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After years of false starts and amid an acute regional energy crunch, large-scale onshore wind power could finally take off in Maine in 2026. Utility regulators in five New England states are considering developers’ proposals to build up to 1.2 gigawatts of onshore wind capacity in Maine’s far north, following a deadline for bids earlier this month.
The coordination between Connecticut, Maine, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Vermont — all of which have ambitious clean energy goals — means this procurement is more likely to succeed than those that have fizzled out in years past, said Francis Pullaro, president of clean-energy industry association RENEW Northeast.
“The states have come together, and that’s a pretty impressive accomplishment on their part,” he said. “We’re in a much better position now that we have the states going into the process having conferred.”
Maine’s Public Utilities Commission confirmed that at least one bid was submitted, but declined to share any further details at this time.
New England leaders have for nearly two decades discussed harnessing northern Maine’s robust winds to boost the region’s supply of renewable energy, but the idea has gained more urgency in recent years. Financial challenges and hostility from the Trump administration have dampened the prospects for the offshore wind developments that much of the region was counting on to meet their clean energy goals. At the same time, soaring utility bills and volatile oil and gas prices driven by conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East have strengthened the case for turning to power generation with no fuel costs.
“It’s becoming more apparent that there is a need for solutions to confront the cost of energy,” said Eliza Donoghue, executive director of the Maine Renewable Energy Association. “Certainly, this is not a silver bullet, but it is a way we can have more renewables injected into the system.”
Maine’s attempts to lean in to wind power began in 2008, with the adoption of a law that set a target of having 3 GW of wind power — some of it offshore — by 2020. Reality fell short of that goal: As of October 2025, the state had about 1.2 GW of land-based wind capacity and no offshore wind, according to the federal Energy Information Administration.
Clean energy boosters have long considered Aroostook County on the Canadian border a promising location for onshore wind development. However, the county is part of a small, local electrical network that is not connected to the New England grid. Any wind projects in the area would require new transmission lines to carry the power produced to the rest of the region.
Attempts to develop projects in remote Aroostook County floundered in 2016 and again in 2023. In both cases, the complications and cost of building transmission infrastructure were major obstacles.
Wind supporters are hoping this time will be different as the multistate collaboration supports much-needed power lines and streamlines bid assessment. All five states have set aggressive emissions-reduction targets: Maine is aiming for 100% clean energy by 2040, for example, and Massachusetts and Rhode Island both want to be carbon-neutral by 2050.
In recent years, they’ve worked together to achieve these goals across the region.
Last March, at the recommendation of the New England States Committee on Electricity, an organization representing the area’s governors on energy matters, grid operator ISO New England issued a request for proposals for transmission infrastructure connecting central Maine to the rest of the grid, shortening the distance power lines would have to travel from wind turbines in Aroostook County. ISO New England received six proposals, which it narrowed down to two after preliminary analysis. The organization will continue its assessments and may announce a preferred proposal in September, after which it will be up to the states to decide whether to proceed.
Also, the Maine Legislature passed a measure in 2023 allowing Maine to partner with other New England states on wind procurements. This move means Maine is sharing bids received in response to the most recent request for proposals with the other participating states, which will then coordinate on selecting a recommended wind farm. A winning bid is slated to be announced by the end of May.
“The fact that we’ve got five of the states signed on and committed to this is pretty important,” Pullaro said.
As power-hungry data centers and rising fuel prices put the squeeze on anxious voters last fall, Virginia Democrats secured a governing trifecta in Richmond partly on a promise to rein in energy costs.
Now, with a 60-day legislative session in the rearview mirror as of March 14, newly elected Gov. Abigail Spanberger and lawmakers in her party look primed to deliver on that pledge in spades.
Democrats, who grew their majority in the House of Delegates last November and have controlled the Senate since 2020, still remain divided on whether and how to continue the tax breaks that have helped make Virginia the data center capital of the world; a special session is scheduled next month to resolve the standoff.
But legislators already have plenty of bragging rights. A slew of bills that would maximize use of the state’s grid, pave the way for more batteries and solar arrays of all sizes, and take other steps to lower energy bills are poised to become law with Spanberger’s signature in the coming weeks.
“I think it was a good session for affordability,” said Sen. Schuyler VanValkenburg, a Democrat who represents a suburban Richmond district. “I think it was a good session for supply.”
In many ways, Virginia is the poster child for the energy upheaval underway across the country. It’s ground zero for the AI boom and the massive computer warehouses needed to support it, which threaten to spike demand at rates not seen in decades. PJM Interconnection, the regional grid manager, is plagued by backlogs and barely capable of bringing new generation sources online. The cost of fossil fuels, together with the ongoing addition and upkeep of poles and wires, is contributing to skyrocketing utility bills.
Amid these pressures, the state hasn’t wavered from a law mandating 100% carbon-free electricity by midcentury — even as the Trump administration has repeatedly threatened to derail Coastal Virginia Offshore Wind, the largest offshore wind farm in the country, and as congressional Republicans have slashed incentives and other inducements for solar and energy efficiency.
All that context was top of mind as lawmakers began their session this year, said Del. Phil Hernandez, a Democrat from Norfolk. “The assignment was crystal clear,” he said. “It really doesn’t matter where you are in Virginia: Electricity prices are salient. People are concerned, rightly, about the upward trajectory.”
Democrats’ strategy for tackling those worries was twofold, said VanValkenburg: to boost solar and storage, and to better utilize existing transmission and distribution infrastructure. “These are the two things we can do that are the cheapest, the fastest to get online, and the fastest way to save ratepayers money,” he said.
VanValkenburg has been on a long quest to speed the deployment of large-scale solar, promoting bills in 2024 and 2025 to ease local solar restrictions; they failed to become law. But the third time might be the charm. His latest attempt, Senate Bill 347, prohibits outright bans on large-scale solar while still leaving ultimate siting decisions up to local governments. It cleared both chambers last month and awaits Spanberger’s signature — though it’s among the few energy measures she hasn’t taken an explicit position on.
“I hope she signs it,” VanValkenburg said. “At the end of the day, this bill doesn’t mandate a single piece of solar. It just creates a better conversation, which I think will get us more solar.”
While that measure would pave the way for adding immense solar farms capable of powering thousands of homes, lawmakers also legalized a much smaller variant: balcony solar. Come January, Virginians should be able to buy and plug in the devices on their balcony or yard in the span of a few hours — avoiding permitting and utility red tape and shaving as much as 15% off their energy bills.
Lawmakers also sought to boost rooftop solar arrays this session, chiefly by increasing targets for these types of installations. The 2020 Virginia Clean Economy Act called on Dominion to get at least 1% of its electricity from renewable energy projects less than 1 megawatt in capacity. A bill sponsored by VanValkenburg, which now sits on the governor’s desk, would increase that number to 5%.
The Virginia Clean Economy Act could also get a refresh when it comes to batteries. The law was first written to require utilities Dominion Energy and Appalachian Power Co. to deploy a little over 3 gigawatts of short-duration batteries, a mature technology that is widely available. A measure sponsored by Democrat Del. Rip Sullivan of Fairfax would raise the target to nearly 17 gigawatts by 2045, with most coming in data center–heavy Dominion territory. By that same year, the bill requires the utilities to deploy a total of 4.5 gigawatts of long-duration storage; such batteries can discharge energy for 10 hours or more but are still nascent in the commercial sector.
“Storage is really a critical affordability component, especially over the long term,” said Nate Benforado, senior attorney at the Southern Environmental Law Center. “If we can build storage, that is going to obviate the need for a lot of this gas, which is expensive and risky for customers.” Noting the war in the Middle East as the latest global conflict to impact fossil fuel prices, Benforado added, “If we continue to invest in gas infrastructure, expect your bills to go up and up.”
Lawmakers also passed bills to better utilize the state’s existing network of poles, wires, and other electricity delivery infrastructure. Because the grid is built to accommodate the maximum amount of electrons that might ever flow through it — such as on a particularly cold winter morning when people crank up heating systems — about half of it goes unused 99% of the time.
One measure would require Dominion and Appalachian Power to quantify grid utilization across their systems, a first step toward the deployment of batteries, line sensors, and other grid-enhancing technologies to increase energy generation on the system.
Another bill, dubbed the Fast Access to Surplus Transmission, or FAST, Act, would spur the same companies to identify sites where batteries or other technologies could be added to existing solar projects, taking advantage of extra room on the grid at the point of interconnection. Under a first-of-its-kind trial program, the utilities could add a total of 600 megawatts of generation using the surplus capacity.
“We’ve started to see a drastic reduction in costs around energy storage,” said Jim Purekal, a director at Advanced Energy United who heads the group’s legislative work in Virginia. “The more we install these, especially if we use existing grid capacity, the more we’re saving everybody money. And if we’re able to install these projects in tandem with solar and wind, which are your cheapest forms of energy generation, now we’re off to the races.”
Hernandez was a sponsor of the FAST Act, and he is especially proud of its novelty. “Sometimes Virginia is not great at being first to move on a concept,” he said, “but in this case, it worked out.”
He also championed legislation requiring Dominion and Appalachian Power to invest millions in energy-efficiency upgrades for low-income, elderly, and disabled households. Another of his bills would streamline the permitting process for home rooftop solar.
“There were a whole lot more from other members,” Hernandez said. “This moment that we’re in is all about having 1,000 great ideas, because there’s no one thing you can do to fix every problem.”
To wit, over 50 energy and climate bills tracked and supported by the Virginia Conservation Network passed during the two-month session — including those setting the state up to rejoin the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative, adopt more community solar farms, study ratemaking reforms, and many others.
Spanberger has yet to sign any of the measures, and many passed with little help from Republicans. But the vast majority of these bills are almost certain to become law, and VanValkenburg is hopeful that they’ll endure with bipartisan support. That’s because the economics of clean energy — especially solar and storage — just keep improving.
“I think these laws are going to be durable from a free-market capitalism perspective,” VanValkenburg said. “But I also just think that those are also the only ways that you’re gonna keep energy bills down.”
See more from Canary Media’s “Chart of the Week” column.
Solar and wind developers around the world just keep getting defeated — by themselves.
Yet again, a record amount of new solar and wind capacity came online globally last year, according to the latest numbers by think tank Ember. The jump was sizable: Additions exceeded the prior year’s by 17%.
Not to pit friends against each other, but solar is the clear front-runner when it comes to renewables deployment. The world installed nearly four times more solar than wind in 2025. But wind can take solace in the fact that it grew faster last year, with installations up by 47% from 2024 — dwarfing solar’s 11% increase.
It’s also worth noting that nearly two-thirds of the added capacity came online in China, of course.
This renewables boom sounds like good news for fending off climate change, but things are more complicated than that. Lots of fossil-fueled power plants are getting built around the world, too, as energy demand skyrockets thanks to the AI boom and the electrification of cars and buildings. Still, the steady growth of renewables is chipping away at polluting fuels’ grip on the globe: Wind and solar generate an increasing share of the world’s power, hitting 15% in 2024, the most recent year Ember has data on.
Meanwhile, the argument for renewables is only getting stronger as the war in the Middle East spikes oil and gas prices worldwide, leaving countries that rely on imported fuels to pay through the nose.
Despite policy headwinds in the U.S. and elsewhere, there’s good reason to believe that wind and solar will keep notching personal bests. Photovoltaic panels and turbines, plus the batteries that store their energy for later, are fast and cheap to build, making them tough for electricity-hungry countries to say no to.
This analysis and news roundup come from the Canary Media Weekly newsletter. Sign up to get it every Friday.
It’s been a month since the U.S. and Israel first attacked Iran, sparking a conflict that has all but shut down the critical shipping lane of the Strait of Hormuz and sent oil prices on a roller coaster. The effects have been obvious in the U.S.: Average gasoline prices are hovering at just under $4 a gallon, a threshold they haven’t hit since 2022.
Elsewhere, it’s not just petroleum products that are causing price shocks. While the U.S. produces much of its own natural gas, many countries rely on imports from the Middle East to cook, heat homes, and run power plants. Governments, especially in Asia, have had to enact retail fuel price caps and other mechanisms to stop costs from becoming unbearable.
But some countries have another shield against the price hikes: wind turbines, solar panels, batteries, and other fossil fuel–free technologies that provide power unbothered by global upheaval.
Spain’s prime minister boasted that on a recent Saturday, electricity in his country cost about seven times less than in France and Germany, thanks to its investments in clean energy. That margin typically isn’t so high, The New York Times notes: A rainy spring season has unlocked more hydropower than usual in Spain, which will have to turn back to gas in the summer. Still, the United Kingdom, too, hit a record for renewable power output this week, reducing the country’s gas usage and its exposure to the fuel’s rocky prices.
China, meanwhile, is the world’s largest importer of oil and natural gas. Much of that gas comes from Qatar, which has curbed its production amid the attacks. But China is also a renewable energy powerhouse, installing tons of wind and solar over the past decade. That clean power supply, along with some fossil fuel stockpiles, is now helping insulate China from the price spikes and supply disruptions wracking other countries.
While China still relies heavily on fossil fuels, experts say the conflict in Iran could speed its energy transition — and boost business for its cleantech manufacturers, which churn out most of the world’s wind turbines, solar panels, batteries, and electric vehicles. Over the last month, investors have already ramped up spending on these firms.
At the same time, used EVs are seeing surging interest in both Europe and the U.S. — and rising costs are already giving some consumers the final push they need to install solar panels, heat pumps, and other appliances that get them off fossil fuels and their volatile prices for good.
Trump’s latest offshore wind attack is — surprise — legally dubious
The Trump administration is trying a new route on its journey to upend offshore wind, but some critics say the scheme may not pass legal muster.
On Monday, the Interior Department said it had worked out a deal with TotalEnergies, in which it would reimburse the company nearly $1 billion to forfeit its leases, signed in 2022, for offshore wind development near the coasts of New York and North Carolina. In exchange, TotalEnergies agreed not to work on further offshore wind projects in the U.S. and to put the refund toward gas investments, Canary Media’s Maria Gallucci reports.
The deal raises a ton of questions. For starters, as is often a concern: Is the Trump administration allowed to do this, and can anyone sue to stop it? Former U.S. Bureau of Ocean Energy Management head Elizabeth Klein told Maria that it’s legally dubious, though it’s unclear who could challenge the deal in court.
And another question: Where will that money come from? Federal officials haven’t clarified, but because TotalEnergies’ lease payment hasn’t been sitting untouched in a vault for years, taxpayer funding is its likely source.
But there’s a bit of good offshore wind news this week, too: The Coastal Virginia Offshore Wind project has started sending power to the grid.
States change their tune on nuclear power
Nuclear power’s reputation is in the middle of a remarkable shift.
Just a decade ago, at least 16 states curtailed nuclear power development in some way, whether through an outright ban or other conditions. But over the past few years, five states looking to meet rising energy demand have repealed those moratoriums, and another five are considering legislation that would do the same, Alexander C. Kaufman reports for Canary Media.
All these rollbacks come as the Trump administration pushes to reopen shuttered nuclear plants and build both conventional and next-generation nuclear — though it’s not just Republican-led states that are riding the nuclear wave. Just this week, Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear (D) announced that a $1.76 billion nuclear fuel enrichment project is coming to his state.
Harvesting the sun: A plan to build the world’s largest solar and battery project on fallowed land in California’s Central Valley could provide a lifeline for farmers and supply a significant portion of the state’s clean energy needs. (Canary Media)
Critical climate impacts: A new study finds U.S. greenhouse gas emissions have led to $10 trillion in global damages by driving up temperatures and exacerbating extreme weather, with a quarter of those damages happening in the U.S. (The Guardian)
Batteries surge: Grid batteries are expected to make up nearly a third of U.S. power plant capacity built this year — and new data shows that for the first time, the country will be able to produce enough batteries to meet that growing demand on its own. (Canary Media)
Renewables acquitted: A report from European grid operators blames the massive blackout in Spain and Portugal last April on a sudden increase in voltage combined with other factors, dispelling speculation that the region’s dependence on renewables caused the outage. (BBC)
Funding finds a way: U.S. Energy Secretary Chris Wright has reportedly overstated the extent to which the Trump administration dismantled a Biden-era clean energy loan program, which is still supporting the buildout of infrastructure across the nation. (Grist)
Wind’s Maine event: Maine tried and failed for years to build out tons of wind power production, but its latest attempt, which has backing from neighboring New England states, may have a better chance at success. (Canary Media)
New England plugs in: All six New England states are considering bills that could legalize plug-in balcony solar panels, with Maine on track to get its legislation to the governor as soon as next week. (Canary Media)
This story was produced by Grist and co-published with The Texas Observer. Sign up for Grist’s weekly newsletter and for the Texas Observer’s weekly newsletter.
In the far corner of the Crockett County Senior Center, 75-year-old Cynthia Flores almost always has a puzzle going. She and her friends sort colors and look for edge pieces while they gossip — “faster than the telephone” — in the Tex-Mex blend of Spanish and English they grew up speaking in Ozona, a tiny ranching and oil outpost in far West Texas. A couple of days before Valentine’s Day, their puzzle surface was one of the few in the center not covered in red and pink hearts; preparations were underway for the big dance the following night.
“La comida esta ready,” another senior said, calling the puzzlers to lunch. Flores placed one last piece, then took her seat at a long community table. The plate in front of her would have delighted a nutritionist with its lean protein and mountain of steamed broccoli. She pulled a tiny plastic container of teriyaki sauce out of her bag and poured the contents over the meat. “They feed us what we need,” Flores said, “but I always fix it up.” Mostly, she said, she’s just thankful not to have to cook. Like many of her friends, Flores still lives at home, but comes into the center for lunch most days. After being married at 16 and preparing food for herself and her family for almost 60 years, she said she was ready for a break.
Some might say Flores and her friends are living the retirement dream. The center is like a second home, with nutritious food and a full calendar of bingo, dominoes, and social events. Thanks to services like these, many of Crockett County’s aging residents have been able to stay in the familiar community where they, their parents, and sometimes even their grandparents grew up. Flores has been cutting hair locally for decades, working primarily out of her house. Many of her clients now are in their 90s. “I’ve been blessed to work in Ozona, where I can do my own thing,” she said.
Ozona is the only town in Crockett County’s 2,800 square miles, and technically, it’s not even that. “The Biggest Little Town in the World,” as it brands itself, is technically unincorporated, meaning that the county is the only municipal government for its 2,800 residents. One person per square mile means Crockett isn’t the most rural county in Texas, but it’s up there. Taxes and regulations are minimal. The nearest city, San Angelo (the locals just say “Angelo”), is 90 minutes away. The nearest metro area, San Antonio, is three hours.
In her chic, clear-frame bifocals and flowy duster, Flores makes aging gracefully in place in one of the most rural places in the United States look easy. It’s not. In many rural communities, seniors may find it hard or impossible to get the resources they need to remain in their homes and hometowns. Older Americans are already at risk of isolation, and living in a remote area can make that worse. Not to mention, resources are thin, local hospitals and other services are folding, and groceries may be pricey, far away, or both. According to the Rural Health Information Hub’s summary of U.S. Department of Agriculture data, 10.2 percent of seniors in rural areas don’t have sufficient access to healthy and nutritious food, compared with 8.5 percent in metro areas.
But in Ozona, older adults like Flores are thriving. The Crockett County government has created a strong network of senior services, and ensures that they are supported — with the help of a wonky tax arrangement and some powerful new neighbors: wind companies.
About 15 miles north of the senior center on State Highway 163, the wind turbines start cropping up, fleets of towering structures owned and operated by a company called NextEra Energy. In Texas, wind generates 29 percent of the power distributed by the state’s notoriously independent power grid — second only to natural gas. According to the state comptroller, Texas wind generation surpassed nuclear power in 2014 and overtook coal-fired generation in 2020. As of 2023, the state led the nation with 239 wind-related projects and more than 15,300 wind turbines.
In Crockett County, the turbines generate more than just electricity. Money from NextEra supports the meals that Flores and her friends enjoy at the center and helps make events like the Valentine’s Day dance possible.
It all comes down to clever utilization of a section of the Texas tax code. As a way of attracting large projects like wind farms, the state offers companies a temporary property tax break — up to 10 years — in exchange for local investment. This Texas Abatement Act (also known as Section 312) means less tax revenue in the short term, but more dollars immediately flowing to community projects and programs like the senior center in Crockett.
While some economists say the abatements are unnecessary to recruit the companies — there aren’t many places they can go where taxes would be lower — the opportunity to reduce startup costs for wind turbines or data centers or other developments gives the county a bargaining tool.
Many counties and cities use funding generated from these deals to improve roads and other infrastructure that might be strained by the new development, or to fund other public projects that don’t have a place in the regular budget. In Medina County, for instance, officials negotiated with incoming data centers to improve roads where locals were concerned about increased traffic.
In Crockett County, like many places in West Texas, roads, jobs, and public projects have long been tied to oil and natural gas revenue, with its attendant booms and busts. According to Crockett County Judge Frank Tambunga, oil and gas have kept public coffers full in Ozona, even with the ups and downs of the industry — and the steadier (though usually lower) revenues from wind farms will likely add consistency to an already healthy budget.
Ozona’s services for seniors are usually funded by a mix of federal and local funds, as well as charitable donations. As NextEra expanded its wind farms and more turbines cropped up, Tambunga saw the opportunity to offer those aging support services a boost.
Tambunga is a native of Ozona. Now in his early 60s, he’s well acquainted with the sorts of choices his slightly older peers are making. He hears their concerns about health care, groceries, and social isolation. When he considered what to ask for in the tax abatement negotiations with NextEra, those concerns were top of mind. But rather than push for a new public department or project, Tambunga looked to those already doing the work in the community.
“As we negotiate, we ask that, during the term of the abatement, that they make charitable contributions to nonprofit organizations to help the local groups,” said Tambunga. “It allows us to provide support for these organizations that help people within the community.”
Eligio Martinez remembers when the wind companies first arrived in Crockett County in the 2010s. He was a county commissioner back then (at times in Ozona, it feels like everyone has taken their turn in county office), and remembers talking to other counties to figure out the best terms for the tax abatement deal. Locally, he said, the wind turbines were an easy sell. “We welcomed them,” Martinez said. No one got caught up in the politics of green energy — something that Texas’ oil-funded politicians regularly debate — or even the aesthetic effect of adding turbines to the wide open vistas. They saw the chance to increase their tax base and gain funding for local services, Martinez said. “If it’s beneficial to the community, we’re going to stick together.”
For their part, the residents at the senior center didn’t understand exactly how the turbines worked — when the massive structures first arrived, they said, locals wondered if they could run electricity directly from the turbine and were skeptical when they learned that the electricity would be sent to Texas’ power grid to be used elsewhere. Energy-funded towns like theirs are used to asking: “How long will the royalties last?” They’re asking the same about the wind farms. They’ve lived long enough to watch booms and busts in nearly every industry — ranching, oil, and gas, banking — but donations from the tax abatement deals and the increased tax revenue for the school district are welcome while they last.
There’s a pragmatism, Martinez said, that comes from being so remote. “We’re very vulnerable here,” he said. When his mom got cancer in 2013, he saw just how vulnerable. He was lucky enough to have a job that allowed him the flexibility to take her to her chemotherapy appointments in San Angelo, but if he hadn’t, he wondered how she would have made the trek over and over, being as sick as she was.
Even for more able-bodied seniors, transportation is a hurdle in Ozona. The Concho Valley Transit buses make daily runs to San Angelo, and many use them for errands, but some don’t want to be out all day until the scheduled return trip. Some may have to check in for dialysis and cancer treatments at hours when the buses don’t run. And for those with more complex medical conditions or advanced cancer, San Angelo doesn’t have what they need. They have to go to San Antonio, Dallas, or even Houston — all between three and seven hours away. Whoever provides that transportation — usually a family member — is taking on substantial costs.
Martinez started looking for ways to raise funds to help others in his community pay for these travel expenses. He was a radio DJ, so his first idea was a music festival. He organized a daylong festival, and posted some student volunteers by the door to collect entry fees. Almost no one came to hear the music, he said, but when he checked with the students at the door, they had raised $5,000. People had simply dropped off donations. Even if they didn’t want to spend the day listening to music, they wanted to help. Everyone knew that this was a huge issue for rural Texans and that most likely, at some point, they too would need to make long drives to access various forms of medical treatment.
Martinez hosted a few more music festivals, but eventually realized that he didn’t need to put on an event — locals were ready to donate. He created a nonprofit, In Care of Ozona, or Coz 4 Oz, that provides gas cards and hotel funds for folks who need to travel for medical care.
This year, Martinez became a beneficiary of the very programs he helped negotiate back on the commissioners court: He received two donations from NextEra, totaling $3,000 — Coz 4 Oz’s entire budget for the moment.
It’s not just medical emergencies that create transportation woes in Ozona. Ordinary errands can be just as burdensome. As in many small towns, the local grocery store prices are high. Prices are better in San Angelo, so seniors will often carpool for the 90-minute drive, or if someone is planning to make a trip, they’ll take a list of what their neighbors need. Much of the impromptu organizing runs through the senior center, said Director Emily Marsh. “It’s like a huge family.”
Back at the Crockett County Senior Center, while Flores and her friends were working on their puzzles, 69-year-old Arletta Gandy loaded trays of hot meals into her small SUV. The former grocery store manager’s dangly, candy heart–inspired earrings bobbled as she heaved a box full of lunch sacks onto the back seat. She and two other volunteer drivers show up to the senior center every weekday to drive the three “Helping Hands” routes, delivering meals to 42 seniors around Ozona. It’s a good way to get out of the house in her retirement, said Gandy, who doesn’t consider herself “from Ozona” because, as she said, “I’ve only been here over 20 years.”
After eight years delivering meals in the community, she knows the routes by heart. She knows which recipients have dietary restrictions and which dogs will run out of the house if she opens the door too wide. At some houses, she chats briefly. Others have their own rituals. One man does little more than reach out from behind his screen door, but every day, as Gandy walks back down the plywood ramp overpassing the porch stairs, he says, “See you later, alligator.”
“After a while, crocodile,” Gandy responds.
“Nacho nacho,” the man calls back.
“Nacho nacho,” Gandy replies.
The Helping Hands program has been operating in Ozona for as long as Director Stacy Mendez can remember. She’s been involved since childhood. “I remember helping my grandmother and aunt deliver meals,” Mendez said. The program began in a local Catholic church, and when the Crockett County Senior Center opened with its commercial kitchen over 20 years ago, Helping Hands moved in.
In Texas alone, an estimated 100,000 seniors rely on meals funded through Meals on Wheels programs like this one. Across the board, federal funding for these programs has dwindled as pandemic-era appropriations expired and the Trump administration began canceling grants and slashing federal budgets. A government shutdown in the fall further disrupted an already unstable funding stream. Last September, a $20,000 donation from NextEra came just in time, Mendez said. It kept their lean operation afloat, replacing the lost federal dollars and allowing Helping Hands to continue operating through the shutdown, while other programs around the state had to cut back services.
Other Texas counties could also use the renewables boom to meet local needs. The number of Texans 65 and older is expected to more than double, from 3.9 million in 2020 to 8.3 million by 2050, making it the state’s fastest-growing population, according to AARP. That’s a concern for hunger advocates like Jeremy Everett, director of the Baylor Collaborative on Hunger and Poverty, because seniors are already one of the most food-insecure groups, after young children. But while kids can get food through their schools, such hubs don’t usually exist for seniors, especially in rural areas. In 2026, Meals on Wheels reported that nearly 14 million seniors worried about having enough food.
“Without the ability to safely and reliably access affordable food, senior adults may no longer be able to live in the rural communities they have called home,” Everett said. In Crockett County, money from the wind farms is helping to address that issue. The county is also working with the Baylor Collaborative on Hunger and Poverty to identify ongoing gaps. Especially in times of economic uncertainty, a coalition-based approach to senior hunger is vital, said Everett. No one sector can meet every need, so partnerships between local governments, industry, and nonprofits are key. “That’s how strong food systems are built from the ground up,” Everett said.
There’s another group of Crockett County seniors who benefit from the wind farms: ranchers. Steve Wilkins’ family has owned and operated the 6,000-acre Flying W Ranch for four generations, and he and his wife, Belinda, now breed Brahman beef cattle and lease part of their land to hunters. Belinda also sits on the board of the senior center.
As of Valentine’s Day, Wilkins reckoned he was probably a month or so away from signing a deal to lease part of his family ranch to a wind company. Most of the ranches around them have already done so. “I’ve kind of been dragging my feet on it,” Wilkins said. He’s not sure how he feels about wind energy, but these days ranchers have to be pragmatic. Many also lease to oil and gas companies — one of the more lucrative ways to keep a ranch intact. But in “mature regions” like Crockett County, many oil wells have already been producing for decades, putting them near the end of their productivity. Natural gas can have a similar lifespan, but big profits tend to drop sharply after the first six months to two years.
Wind, of course, is not a finite resource. Theoretically, the region could keep producing wind and reaping the benefits indefinitely, or as long as demand for electricity continues apace. Still, there’s skepticism about how long it will last, Belinda said. If the wind boom comes and goes, they’ll just have to keep adapting, as they always have.
In any case, the wind farms are a longer-term investment. Wind money doesn’t start flowing to the ranchers immediately, Wilkins said. The companies told him that it could be seven or eight years before they start seeing royalties. At 70, Wilkins said that this is of little use to him. But ranchers are also used to seeing land management in generational terms. “Maybe my kids can keep the ranch,” he said.
In the hours leading up to the Valentine’s Day dance, Jerry and Willa Perry checked in for their weekly appointment at Flores’ in-home salon. Jerry removed a red MAGA-style cap that said “Make Texas A Country Again” and placed his hearing aids inside while Flores trimmed his white hair. Willa, his wife of 70 years, looked on, smiling. “I can’t wait to get you home,” she joked, raising her eyebrows playfully. Jerry smirked — although he could not hear her, he got her meaning just fine.
Flores charges on a sliding scale from about $12 to $40 to make sure all her clients can afford to stay coiffed. She makes enough to stay in the house, which she rents. But at her age, she said, she knows that she’s just one medical emergency away from needing full-time care, which she’ll likely find at the county’s local public nursing home.
After finishing with her last clients, Flores changed into a billowy red pantsuit, pearls, and bedazzled sneakers. The dance didn’t start until 6 p.m., but she and several other regulars were there by 5 to get a good table. Emily Marsh and Belinda Wilkins enlisted their help setting out food on the long buffet. By the time the DJ fired up the first cumbia number, about 60 seniors were seated around the dance floor with plates of chips, cookies, and veggies with dip.
Things started slowly, but began to pick up when a country two-step song came on. Judge Tambunga and his wife got up to dance, and other couples immediately followed. At the next cumbia, Flores rustled up a group of single ladies to take the floor. A couple songs later, she led a conga line.
This story was supported by a grant from the Solutions Journalism Network.
This story was originally published by Grist. Sign up for Grist’s weekly newsletter.
When Krystal Steward started knocking on her neighbors’ doors in Ann Arbor, Michigan, in 2021, to discuss energy efficiency and sustainability upgrades, she was met with a lot of blank stares.
She was new to the issues herself, she said. But the longtime social worker kept at her new job doing outreach for Community Action Network, a local nonprofit dedicated to serving under-resourced communities. She slowly started getting people in her neighborhood to take part first in home-energy assessments, then in a city program to swap out appliances, make structural fixes, and more.
“In the beginning, it was kind of hard — a lot of people were reluctant. If someone is knocking on your door and telling you they can fix up your home for free, most people don’t believe that,” Steward said. But, she added, “Once one person tried it out, they’d tell their neighbors, and others would jump on board.”
Now, the neighborhood, Bryant, is set to pilot a first-in-the-country program that officials hope will speed the city’s transition to renewables — and offer a new model for how local governments can control their energy future.
The idea is technical, but has sparked enthusiasm across Bryant and Ann Arbor: a new city-created Sustainable Energy Utility, known colloquially as the SEU. Rather than replacing the privately owned utility that serves Ann Arbor, the plan is for this city agency to run in tandem, offering a supplemental service that residents can opt into.
If they do, they’ll stay connected to the regular grid, but will be outfitted with solar panels, battery backup systems, or other infrastructure, drawing on that power for their home use and opening up the prospect of selling any excess. The city, meanwhile, would pay for the installation and maintenance of these systems, which Ann Arbor would continue to own — a vision of energy generation and storage distributed across the city.
The plan begins in the coming months in Bryant, a 1970s-era community with about 260 homes, many of which are officially considered “energy burdened.” A quarter of residents pay more than a third of their incomes on utilities, in a neighborhood that is one of Ann Arbor’s only areas of unsubsidized affordable housing, according to Derrick Miller, Community Action Network’s executive director.
The SEU is a major step in a yearslong process to address Bryant’s energy affordability and sustainability concerns — and then expand the approach across the city.
“When we started having a conversation about how to decarbonize the neighborhood about four years ago, it felt outlandish. Now, it doesn’t feel like anyone can stop us,” Miller said.
The appeal of the SEU became clear in November 2024, when a ballot measure on the proposal was approved by nearly 80 percent of Ann Arbor voters. A little over a year later, city officials are ready to implement the vision, said SEU Executive Director Shoshannah Lenski.
In late February, the city announced that it was accepting expressions of interest from residents and businesses to take part, accompanied by a flurry of community meetings, animated videos, and ads in local theater playbills.
Customers who opt in will get two utility bills — one for the power supplied by these new city-owned clean energy systems, and one for any power they’re still drawing from the regular grid — which Lenski and her colleagues say will add up to less than they currently pay.
“Just like customers don’t own a power plant, the city owns and finances the system upfront, and they pay for that electricity through a monthly bill,” Lenski said. She noted that the model could prove particularly helpful for renters, who often get left out of green energy incentives. Signing up large multifamily buildings will be important to quickly expand the SEU’s size, she said.
In addition to installing clean energy systems at participants’ homes, the SEU could build its own microgrids, something that would set it apart from other municipal clean energy programs. For instance, the agency could install solar panels on a school to supply power when students and teachers are in the building, and that power could go to other SEU customers when classes are out.
Backers say the strategy allows Ann Arbor to build out its green energy system with lower financial risk — and lower potential for political or industry pushback.
“When coupled with DTE’s planned investments in clean energy, these voluntary, fee-based programs help accelerate economy-wide decarbonization while maintaining reliability and affordability,” Ryan Lowry, a spokesperson for DTE Energy, which currently supplies energy to the city, said in an email.
It might seem surprising that DTE, Michigan’s largest electric utility, is supportive of the SEU. But industry experts noted that many investor-owned utilities are struggling under the unprecedented new demands for power. Having a local government try to help manage power needs could be seen as an asset, they suggested — though DTE will have no formal role in the SEU.
So far, more than 1,500 people across Ann Arbor have indicated that they want to sign up. The SEU plans to serve around 100 to 150 customers in Bryant this year, expand out to reach 1,000 next year, and then grow by several thousand annually after that.
The approach answers a question prompted when Ann Arbor adopted an ambitious climate plan in 2020.
That framework included an electrical grid powered completely by renewable energy within a decade, but a city analysis in 2023 warned it was likely to miss that goal by more than 40 percent. In order to reach it, the city would need to push DTE to accelerate its renewable energy buildout, or lean on state officials to do so — or detach from DTE entirely and create a separate city-owned utility, an idea that does have some support in Ann Arbor.
But from the city’s perspective, these options seemed too risky or uncertain, Lenski said — until officials realized that the Michigan Constitution allows municipalities to create and run their own utility, even if there’s another present.
“That’s where the idea of the SEU was born,” she said.
When University of Michigan researchers compared the four options, they found the SEU model had the greatest potential to lower energy prices and emissions, boost reliability, and help low-income communities.
“Overall, it came down to having some benefits of local control without some of the costs,” said Mike Shriberg, a professor who led the research, noting a similar model should be possible in every state.
Still, some worry the strategy does not go far enough. Advocates who want the city to break with DTE and replace its services with a utility fully owned by Ann Arbor are seeking a November ballot measure to set that process in motion. (Organizers are currently collecting signatures.)
Brian Geiringer, executive director of the advocacy group Ann Arbor for Public Power, said the SEU plan still leaves too much responsibility for the city’s energy transition with DTE.
But if voters do approve creating a fully public utility, he said, it would not mean an end to the SEU: The two approaches could work together, with the SEU focused on generation within Ann Arbor, and a publicly owned utility able to make its own decisions on purchasing power.
“If you draw a circle around Ann Arbor, the SEU is doing stuff inside the circle. And we’re interested in having the city control what comes in from outside of the circle,” Geiringer said.
Like Ann Arbor, hundreds of cities are working to implement climate goals — and running into similar gaps between ambition and practicality, especially when it comes to control over energy sources.
“Cities have set these goals, and the utilities aren’t obligated to follow those,” said Matthew Popkin, manager for U.S. cities and communities at RMI, an energy think tank.
“So Ann Arbor’s SEU is an example of cities taking more control of their future without dismantling or acquiring existing utility systems,” said Popkin. “That’s a really interesting model.”
Other models also exist. In Washington, D.C., for instance, a program called the D.C. Sustainable Energy Utility has been operating for 15 years, overseeing the city’s efforts to help residents use less energy.
The initiative is far narrower than the Ann Arbor vision, functioning not as a utility but rather as an organization contracted by the city to boost energy efficiency and increase access to clean energy through subsidies and rebates.
The program is a central part of the city’s goals to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions, said managing director Benjamin Burdick, and has helped cut some 10 million metric tons of emissions while saving residents more than $2 billion from reduced energy use.
Nationally, “the conversation that we’re hearing is around how do you continue to talk about climate with affordability,” he said. “Programs like the D.C. SEU are going to continue to be the way that we double down.”
The work in Ann Arbor is now receiving its own attention across the country.
“What caught my eye about Ann Arbor’s efforts were the references to citizen involvement and co-investment in their own grid,” said Jim Gilbert, a retired medical product designer in Boulder, Colorado, who is now helping that city assess the Ann Arbor model.
Boulder has dealt with recent power outages due to worsening climate impacts and aging infrastructure, and Gilbert said an SEU could offer a way forward.
Back in Ann Arbor, as the city prepares to launch the initial pilot of its SEU, the plan is to reach half of the Bryant neighborhood by the end of the year — and local residents are “all in,” said Krystal Steward.
Older members of the community are particularly excited, she said, noting that many are on fixed incomes and will particularly benefit from lower energy bills.
“It’s hard for me to keep up,” Steward said. “Now it’s not me reaching out to residents to sign up — they’re blowing up my phone.”
Last spring, when the Second Harvest Food Bank of Northwest North Carolina installed a giant solar array on its new headquarters in Winston-Salem, leaders of the project hoped it would inspire other nonprofits to follow suit.
Sure enough, it has done just that.
A 400-kilowatt solar array is now being built at the headquarters of Goodwill Industries of Northwest North Carolina, less than two miles from Second Harvest.
“They’re our neighbor,” said Bill Haymore, a longtime Goodwill veteran who has worn many hats and today serves as its chief sustainability officer. “We partner closely with them. So we watched with great envy at the work that they had done, and we followed the model that they set forth.”
The installation will produce enough electricity to power about 40% of the building, Haymore said, and will save the nonprofit over $1 million in energy bills over the coming decades. Those savings will be plowed back into Goodwill’s mission of providing employment, job training, and other opportunities for the community.
What’s more, the clean energy project itself falls squarely within his organization’s sustainability ethos. “The work we are doing in this arena is something that we’ve been doing for 100 years,” Haymore said. “Every time we take a donation, we’re recycling.” But, he added, “we need to be bolder about it and show the community that we’re committed to this work. The solar panels were just one of the things that we have elected to do to reduce our carbon footprint and to be a better steward.”
A behemoth international network, Goodwill is made up of 150 independent organizations, each with its own board of directors and priorities. While the Goodwill serving northwest North Carolina doesn’t have any carbon reduction goals yet, Haymore says the plan is to change that.
“This past year, we purchased carbon-tracking software to help us benchmark where we’re at,” Haymore said. “Once we feel very, very confident with what our carbon footprint is, we’ll be able to measure success.”
As did Second Harvest, Goodwill will reap a 30% tax credit in the form of direct pay — a mechanism established by the Biden-era Inflation Reduction Act that allows nonprofits to access the incentive, which was formerly available only to entities that pay income tax. The organization also hopes to get a 10% bonus credit since it, like the food bank, is located in a low-income census tract.
These levers, designed to help institutions with no tax liabilities and thin operating margins, remain intact at least through the end of next year — despite the axe that congressional Republicans took last summer to a host of clean energy inducements established or enhanced during the Biden years.
But last summer’s law did include new red tape: Beneficiaries of clean energy tax credits now must verify that no components of their new systems were produced by a “foreign entity of concern.” The requirement took effect at the beginning of this year, spurring Goodwill to contract for the project by Dec. 31. The installation is expected to be completed sometime this fall.
Both Goodwill and Second Harvest were recruited to go solar by the Piedmont Environmental Alliance, a local group that formed the Green Business Network to encourage businesses and nonprofits to install solar, electrify their vehicle fleets, and reduce food waste.
If there was a “silver lining” to last summer’s clean energy rollbacks, it was that “Second Harvest and others were feeling the pressure that these tax credits might not exist forever,” said Will Eley, director of the alliance’s green economy program. “They wanted to move as quickly as possible, and Goodwill was certainly responsive to that.”
Eley and his group have been a key force behind an array of initiatives in Winston-Salem and the surrounding region, including the newly launched “Electrify the Triad” campaign and a training program for clean energy jobs hosted at the Goodwill.
That’s why Eley is most excited about the fact that the solar panels will be installed by workers trained at the nonprofit.
“You can actually see the rooftop from the classroom that’s been used for that,” he said. “It’s the full circle of positive feedback loops. It’s been a lot of fun.”
All five offshore wind farms being built in the U.S. are on track to hit key construction and operational milestones this month — even as the Trump administration continues its campaign to halt their development.
Coastal Virginia Offshore Wind, a 2.6-gigawatt project near Virginia Beach, Virginia, is expected to begin delivering power to the state’s energy-hungry grid by the end of March, according to its developer, Dominion Energy. As the first turbines start spinning, construction will proceed on the rest of the 176-turbine wind farm, which is now more than 70% finished.
Farther up the east coast, near Martha’s Vineyard, Massachusetts, the 800-megawatt Vineyard Wind is effectively complete.
Iberdrola, the parent company of Avangrid, which is one of Vineyard Wind’s developers, said on Feb. 25 that the final two of the 62 turbines would be installed “in the next days,” and that about 85% of the turbines are either operating or approved to begin exporting electricity.
Ørsted, which is developing the 704-MW Revolution Wind near Rhode Island, said the project was expected to begin generating electricity “within weeks” of a Feb. 6 earnings call. At that time, the Danish developer was pushing to install the last of its 65 turbines before its contract with a specialized turbine-installation vessel expired in late February. As of Tuesday, 60 of the total turbines have been installed, a spokesperson confirmed.
The vessel, called Wind Scylla, is now at the Port of New London in Connecticut, where its equipment is being recalibrated as part of ongoing construction operations at Ørsted’s Sunrise Wind project. Work on that 924-MW installation, off the coast of New York, was nearly halfway complete as of last month’s earnings call.
Meanwhile, Equinor’s Empire Wind just notched another legal victory. On Tuesday, a federal judge rejected the Trump administration’s latest effort to further delay construction on the 810-MW wind farm near New York. The project, which is more than 60% complete, is set to receive a new turbine-installation vessel this month to start putting towers and blades in the ocean.
Offshore wind companies have been charging ahead since federal judges gave them a temporary reprieve in January and early February from the Trump administration’s stop-work order. On Dec. 22, the Interior Department required all five projects to pause for 90 days, citing unspecified “national security” concerns. Most recently, the administration tried to pause Equinor’s lawsuit against the stoppage by 45 days, which the D.C. judge declined to do.
Interior’s sweeping suspension order threatened to derail the multibillion-dollar energy projects — which are meant to supply huge amounts of carbon-free power to a region that’s barreling toward an electricity shortfall. Developers said the forced pauses cost them millions of dollars a day and put them at risk of losing access to the specialized vessels they need to install turbines and other offshore equipment.
An attorney for Vineyard Wind said in court that the $4.5 billion project was “at a grave risk of failing to meet its construction schedule, and in turn, its financial obligations” if it couldn’t reach full commercial operations by the end of March, The Martha’s Vineyard Times reported in January. He noted that Vineyard Wind’s contract for a turbine installation vessel expires on March 31.
While Vineyard Wind nears completion, many of its turbines have already been supplying electricity to the New England grid — including during a major winter cold streak that forced grid operators to run expensive oil-burning power plants to avert blackouts.
The completed South Fork Wind farm, which came online in 2024 and delivers power to New York’s Long Island, was also a crucial resource. During that period, market electricity prices frequently exceeded the long-term, fixed rates that utilities pay for the offshore wind power, said Stephanie Francoeur, senior vice president of communications and external affairs for the Oceantic Network, which advocates for marine renewable energy sectors.
“We’re really encouraged by this real-world performance data,” she said. “It’s going to be exciting to see more of it as more projects come to completion this year.”
Yet even after offshore wind farms come online, they won’t necessarily be spared from future attacks by the Trump administration, which has indicated that it sees operating turbines as the real purported threat. In its Dec. 22 memo, the Interior Department noted that “the movement of massive turbine blades” creates radar interference — though experts say such potential impacts are manageable and often minor, as IEEE Spectrum reported this week.
In the meantime, offshore wind developers continue stressing the need for their large-scale energy projects to get built. Robert M. Blue, Dominion Energy’s president and CEO, recently pointed to the soaring demand from AI data centers that’s straining the grid in Virginia and the broader mid-Atlantic region.
The utility sees Coastal Virginia Offshore Wind “as the fastest way to get a significant amount of electricity at a low cost … for our customers who are leading the AI race, who are building ships for the Navy,” he said during a Feb. 23 earnings call. The project, which was initially expected to finish later this year, is now likely to wrap up in early 2027.
“Slowing it down, as was demonstrated with the last stop-work order, adds costs, and adding costs and delays in the data center capital of the world, we think, doesn’t make sense,” Blue said.
Wouldn’t it be nice if you could just buy a pair of solar panels at Walmart in the morning and plug them in on your deck in the afternoon — in the span of a few hours, setting yourself up to produce clean energy that will lower your electricity bill?
But that’s not an option for most Americans right now. For one thing, the devices aren’t widely available in U.S. stores. And if they were, you’d likely have to jump through a series of hoops with your utility to get them up and running.
Virginia lawmakers are about to change all that for residents of the state.
On Wednesday, the Democratic-controlled Virginia House of Delegates passed a bill legalizing “balcony solar” by a unanimous, bipartisan vote. The Senate, where Democrats also have a majority, had already approved the measure with only a handful of dissents. It will soon reach the desk of Gov. Abigail Spanberger, a Democrat, who is expected to sign it.
Set to take effect next January, the law will make Virginia just the second state in the country, after Utah, to treat solar panels like an appliance you can buy at your local big-box store and set up yourself — on your balcony, in your yard, or anywhere the sun shines on your property.
“That removes all kinds of barriers — not just cost barriers, but time and bureaucracy barriers,” said Victoria Higgins, Virginia director for the lobbying arm of Chesapeake Climate Action Network Action Fund, an advocacy nonprofit. “It makes clean energy more accessible to so many more Virginians, whether they live in apartments, or condos, or just don’t have the funding to put up a whole rooftop system.”
Homeowners and renters alike will be able to buy and install the plug-in solar panels, which come with a microinverter that enables the devices to offset some household electricity use.
“This legislation is about putting practical energy solutions in the hands of Virginians,” Senate Majority Leader Scott Surovell, a Democrat from Fairfax who sponsored the proposal, said in a news release.
The kits will be subject to safety standards and limited to a total of 1,200 watts, or about four panels, which is enough to supply between 5% and 15% of the average customer’s demand.
“On an extremely mild day in June, it might be pretty close to all of your energy needs, but that would be rare,” Higgins said. “Most of the time, you’re knocking off a chunk of energy that you would otherwise be buying from the utility.”
Like many Virginia Democrats who prevailed in the November elections, Spanberger campaigned on a promise to rein in costs. In December, she put balcony solar on her list of energy-affordability priorities, and her staff has advocated for the bill throughout Virginia’s 60-day legislative session, which ends at midnight on Saturday.
Balcony solar is already widespread in Europe, where over 1 million devices are in use in Germany alone. Proponents say the same could happen in the United States, with dozens of states, from Alaska to Illinois to South Carolina, considering legislation to allow the kits.
While a few states have deferred balcony solar bills because of safety concerns voiced by utilities, Higgins notes that Virginia’s bipartisan support helps show that red and blue states alike are eager to address energy affordability.
“Right now, the estimated payback period is somewhere between two and five years,” she said. “You might see 20 states pass legislation to enable balcony solar this year. Once you get to economies of scale, the price is going to come down quickly.”
This analysis and news roundup come from the Canary Media Weekly newsletter. Sign up to get it every Friday.
California made itself a rooftop solar leader — and now it’s undoing that legacy.
Sure, sunny skies have played a big role in getting Californians to install panels at their homes. But for years, the state has also offered hefty incentives to help rooftop solar grow, including net-metering policies, which determine how much utilities pay solar panel owners for sending excess generation back to the grid. Under the first two iterations of California’s net-energy metering policies — NEM 1.0, established in the 1990s, and NEM 2.0 in 2016 — that power was heavily rewarded. Those big payments for solar power made it easier to recoup the cost of putting up panels — and easier for homeowners to justify their clean investments.
Then came NEM 3.0. In 2022, California utility regulators approved a plan to slash net-metering payments by as much as 75%. The policy, which went into effect the following year, has seen numerous legal battles ever since. And just this week, a court upheld regulators’ solar-tanking move.
The decision comes at a crucial moment for rooftop solar nationwide. After years of setting records, residential solar installations in the U.S. slumped after 2023, falling in both 2024 and 2025, according to a new Solar Energy Industries Association report. Last year’s dip was largely due to economic uncertainty, tariffs, and contractors’ inability to quickly ramp up installations before federal tax credits expired, SEIA said.
In the post-incentive new year, some states have increased their own rebates and tax credits to keep clean energy rolling. But with this week’s ruling, California will continue heading in the opposite direction. Recent numbers of total residential solar installations in California suggest what the state’s future under NEM 3.0 will look like: Annual installations of residential solar dipped significantly from 2023 to 2024 and remained low in 2025. SEIA expects NEM 3.0 to slow installs even further in 2026.
The latest NEM 3.0 ruling could be appealed again to the state Supreme Court, and environmental advocates say they’re considering doing so. But as climate journalist Sammy Roth argues, maybe net metering isn’t worth the fight, and advocates should root for new ways to keep solar power growing.
Permissionless, plug-and-play balcony solar, anyone?
Good news for wind power in the U.S. and beyond
Wind power in the U.S. may be riding a roller coaster, but in the rest of the world, the industry is still on an upward climb.
A record 169 gigawatts of wind power came online around the globe last year, according to a report out this week from BloombergNEF. More than 100 gigawatts’ worth of those turbines were installed in China, though the rest of the world saw increases as well.
There’s also some good wind news to share on the home front. All five under-construction offshore wind farms the Trump administration tried to shut down are set to hit major milestones this month, Canary Media’s Maria Gallucci reports. Off Massachusetts, Vineyard Wind is nearly complete; the Coastal Virginia Offshore Wind project and Rhode Island’s Revolution Wind will soon begin delivering power to the grid; Sunrise Wind is about halfway complete; and New York’s Empire Wind is getting a turbine-installation vessel this month to continue building.
New York’s nuclear future is at a crossroads
New York has its sights set on scaling up nuclear power — but faces dueling proposals on how to make it happen.
It’s been nearly five years since the Indian Point nuclear plant fully shut down, taking with it a major supply of emissions-free power for New York City. Now, looking to spur a “nuclear renaissance,” the Trump administration is pushing for Indian Point’s restart. Energy Secretary Chris Wright recently joined the area’s Republican Congress member at a press event to call for the downstate plant’s reopening — an unlikely prospect given the surrounding communities’ opposition.
After Wright’s visit, Democratic Gov. Kathy Hochul’s office affirmed she “will not support” Indian Point’s reopening. The plant is mired in intense controversy — something Hochul is probably reluctant to wade into during in an election year. But her administration is pressing on with plans to build a nuclear plant somewhere upstate, and so far, at least eight communities have said they’re interested in hosting it.
Release the reserves: The Trump administration says it will release 172 million barrels of crude oil from the Strategic Petroleum Reserve — about 40% of its supply — in an attempt to curb rising prices. (Axios)
Nuclear pivot: Trump administration officials and industry sources say lagging talks with Westinghouse to construct its flagship AP1000 nuclear reactors are leading the DOE to explore rival developers. (Canary Media)
Plugging away: Virginia’s House passes a bill to legalize plug-in “balcony solar” panels, putting it on track to become the second state to allow for the easily installable clean-energy solution. (Canary Media)
Permission to pollute: Mississippi regulators have approved a plan by Elon Musk’s xAI to build 41 natural gas–burning turbines to power a large data center near Memphis, Tennessee, despite residents’ concerns about noise and air pollution. (Mississippi Today, CNBC)
Big battery buildout: Home-battery startup Base Power will use its recent $100 million fundraise to install 100 megawatts of residential energy storage outside Dallas — and the project will be completed quicker than building a typical gas-powered peaker plant with similar capacity. (Canary Media)
Solar influencers: A North Carolina food bank’s rooftop solar array inspired a nearby Goodwill headquarters to install its own panels, with plans to redirect its energy bill savings back to its mission. (Canary Media)
Drilling into the transition: Some former oil and gas workers are finding new work in the geothermal industry, which values their expertise in drilling and other essential skills. (Grist)
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